Education or Politics? What Really Drives the Policy?
If education policies in India were truly focused on transforming learning, our children would be thriving. But unfortunately, politics often overshadows real educational reform.
The latest example comes from Maharashtra. The State Government initially made Hindi mandatory as a third language from Classes 1 to 5. Facing backlash, it quickly changed the rule to make Hindi optional. Seizing the moment, political rivals Raj and Uddhav Thackeray united—more for political mileage than out of concern for education. They stirred Marathi pride and opposed the move. In the end, the government withdrew the decision and, as usual, formed a committee—one that’s unlikely to reach any real conclusion.
What this episode clearly showed was: Mr. Devendra Fadnavis aimed to align with the Central Government’s preferences, while the Thackerays wanted to regain their fading political influence. Whether either succeeded or not, one thing is certain—none of this had anything to do with improving education for children.
This is the unfortunate truth not just in Maharashtra, but across many Indian states. Language politics becomes a tool for political gain, not for improving student learning.
Just take a look at the ASER 2024 Rural Report. Only 37% of Class 3 students can read a Class 2-level Marathi passage. That’s a shameful improvement of only 3 percentage points in a decade. Have we ever heard the so-called champions of Marathi express concern about this? Have they proposed serious solutions?
This is not a phenomenon happens only in Maharashtra. Almost in all non-Hindi speaking states, it is the same - TN, Karnataka, West Bengal, Kerala etc., And for those who loudly support adding a third language—have they ever explained how struggling schools, already unable to meet basic reading standards, will handle even more responsibility without proper teachers, training, or resources? Of course not. Their focus is not on improving learning, but on winning votes.
Macaulay is often criticised for creating a mindset that devalues Indians, India's legacy and its languages. Maybe that criticism is fair. But today’s language-based politics may be doing even more harm. It spreads the false idea that promoting one Indian language requires pushing down another. That’s simply not true. Learning more languages should be seen as an asset, not a threat.
Sadly, these false divisions are used for political gains. They lead to social tensions, hurt internal migrants, and weaken national unity. Even attacking English—now a vital skill for global careers—does damage to India’s progress.
If not a national language, we at least need a link language, and Hindi is well-suited for that role. The real question is: Do our political leaders have the courage and clarity to support this vision, keeping the future of our children and the unity of our nation in mind?
The issue of language politics has once again provided an opportunity for Tamil Nadu’s ruling party, the DMK, to reinforce its political stance. Over the past five decades, the party has consistently framed itself as a defender of regional identity, often attributing its challenges to the policies of the Central Government. The recent controversy over the implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP) and the PM SHRI schools scheme follows a familiar pattern, with the DMK portraying itself as a victim while the BJP positions itself as its principal opposition in the state.
In February 2024, the Union Government reached out to the Tamil Nadu Education Secretary regarding delays in signing the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the state’s participation in the Prime Minister Schools for Rising India (PM SHRI) initiative. Tamil Nadu responded in March, expressing its willingness to sign the agreement and stating that a committee had been formed to assess the matter. The state government also requested the release of pending funds under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA).
By August 2024, Tamil Nadu communicated its willingness to proceed with the MoU, provided that references to the NEP were removed from the agreement. This led to a stalemate, with the Centre opting to withhold ₹2,152 crore in education-related funds—resources that had been previously disbursed based on the state's assurances. The Central Govt's stand is that if the NEP is not being implemented, then the funds would not be disbursed. The earlier funds also would be taken back after some time perhaps!
At the heart of the dispute is Tamil Nadu’s opposition to the NEP, particularly the three-language formula, which the state views as a step towards the imposition of Hindi. How is this possible is known only tho them. While the NEP does not mandate Hindi, it does recommend the inclusion of a third language, which could be any Indian language. The Tamil Nadu government has strongly resisted this aspect, maintaining its long-standing policy of a two-language system. However, this two-language policy is not at all official. The Govt even refused to provide data on the students who study 3 languages and 2 languages which indirectly states something wrong here.
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The DMK has framed the Centre’s decision as an unfair financial penalty imposed on the state for refusing to comply with the NEP. The government has warned that the withholding of funds will impact the payment of teachers’ salaries and hinder improvements in government school infrastructure.
This statement is ridiculous. A Bank offers a loan amount to a party for doing a business. However, if the receiver fails to start a business, how can he/she expect the bank to disburse the loan? TN Govt's stand is similar to this!
Despite its repeated legal challenges against the Central Government on various issues, the Tamil Nadu government has yet to seek judicial intervention in this matter. Instead, the DMK has leveraged the controversy across mainstream and social media, reviving allegations that the BJP-led Union Government is attempting to impose Hindi through indirect means stoking the emotions. This also had helped the Govt to divert the attention of the people from its failures.
For the BJP, this dispute provides an opportunity to establish itself as the primary opposition to the DMK in Tamil Nadu, a role it has been striving to secure over the past five years. Meanwhile, the DMK benefits from rallying its voter base by portraying the BJP as a threat to regional autonomy.
Until the Tamil Nadu government decides to pursue legal action, this debate over the NEP and the three-language formula is likely to remain a political flashpoint rather than a resolved policy matter. Unfortunately, the real impact of this impasse will be felt by the students in government schools, who risk being caught in the crossfire of political maneuvering.
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