Women in politics?

Women in Politics – it is not that as if they do not exist. However, the perception is that the representation ratio is not equal. So, they explore the possibilities of increasing by the way Indian politicians knew better – reservation. Even as the women's reservation Bill repeatedly flounders in Parliament, it should be recognized that this process has a long history.

In 1917, a delegation of Indian women put up its demand for franchise before secretary of state Ewin Montagu. In the 1920s, the right to vote was granted to propertied women. They were, however, not allowed to participate in legislatures. Courtesy, constant lobbying by the Women's Indian Association, this right to contest was granted in 1930. Muthulakshmi Reddy became the first woman legislator. In the Round Table Conference held in 1930, two women activists, Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz and Radhabai Subbarayan, pleaded for 5 per cent reservation for women in the legislatures.

Other women activists, did not appreciate this sort of favor-seeking but were in favor of universal adult suffrage through which women would automatically carve out their political niche. The Government of India Act, 1935, which broadened the franchise base, provided for formal induction of women in the political process both in reserved and general seats. Provincial elections held under the Act returned 56 women against 1,500 seats — 41 from reserved constituencies, 10 from general constituencies and five nominated. Besides, 30 women were elected to the Central Assembly, including Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz. In the 1940s, when the Pakistan movement picked up momentum, there was large-scale political participation of women, albeit along communal lines.

In the constituent assembly the idea of reserved seats for women found no favor with members. As late as in 1975 the Committee on the Status of Women in India rejected the idea. In 1980, the women's lobby was able to force the Planning Commission to allocate 30 per cent funds in poverty alleviation schemes with women as specific target group beneficiaries, a departure from the earlier family-centered approach. It, however, took many more years before reserved seats for women were granted, though only at village and district level local bodies.

Through the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments in 1993, it was provided that local bodies at those levels should have at least 33 per cent seats reserved for female members, of which one-third must belong to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. More than one million women function in these bodies as members, which certainly is a great experiment, notwithstanding the fact that many function as proxies of their husbands, fathers or brothers.

All said and done, I am at loss to understand how women’s participation in politics would add value to the process. I am ready to take the brickbats that I will get from the women friends. Nor I am bothered about being labeled as Male chauvinist pig. (After-all, my origin is from Sreemushnam, where the deity Lord Vishnu who Himself appears in the form of a pig).

Politics is the last refuge of scoundrels and why women would like to take plunge in this? In my career of 20 years, I have observed that women, once married, shifts priority to family over their career. I welcome this. Unless they build a good family, a good society cannot be built. They are experts in this! One cannot have the best of both the worlds. If they have to take care of the country, they cannot pay attention to their family. A country cannot flourish by destroying a family.

What we learn from history is we do not learn from history. There are cases that women proved to be examples of misrule. Be it Indira Gandhi, Jayalalita, Mayawati, Sonia – all of them did more harm than doing good to the State. Bandaranayike, Benazir, Marcos – one can have a long list of women who stood examples of misrule.

Every one of us has a core competency and women’s core competency is to build a nice home. I would prefer them concentrating on their core skills.