- Where actors who earn crores lecture on austerity
- Where tax-evaders preach honesty
- What policy are they proposing?
- What evidence do they give that it will work?
- How will it be funded or implemented?
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On September 24, 2025, Leh city in the Union Territory of Ladakh witnessed a major protest demanding constitutional safeguards for statehood and tribal status under the Sixth Schedule. What began as a peaceful demonstration quickly escalated into violence, leaving several people dead and many others injured.
The incident reflects the growing tensions in Ladakh, where local communities feel their political and social rights remain unaddressed since the region’s reorganization in 2019. Central to their demands is inclusion under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, a move seen as critical to preserving Ladakh’s tribal identity, land rights, and cultural heritage.
The Sixth Schedule, incorporated under Articles 244(2) and 275(1) of the Constitution, provides for autonomous governance of tribal areas. Rooted in the recommendations of the Bardoloi Committee, it acknowledges the need for differentiated governance to protect tribal communities.
The framework empowers state Governors to establish Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) and Autonomous Regional Councils (ARCs). Currently, ten such councils function across Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram, demonstrating its practical application.
Key Features of ADCs:
Structure: Each ADC can have up to 30 members, with 4 nominated by the Governor and the rest elected for five years.
Legislative Powers: Authority to make laws on land, forests (excluding reserved forests), village administration, inheritance, marriage/divorce, and social customs. All such laws require the Governor’s assent.
Executive Functions: Managing schools, health centers, markets, roads, and local transport systems.
Judicial Authority: Councils can set up courts for disputes among Scheduled Tribes, except for serious crimes (punishable by death or over five years’ imprisonment).
Financial Autonomy: Power to levy taxes, collect land revenue, impose tolls, and regulate mineral extraction.
The Central Government maintains that the Sixth Schedule was designed specifically for the northeast and extending it to Ladakh would require constitutional amendments. The Ministry of Home Affairs also cites concerns about granting such autonomy in a strategically sensitive border region.
Instead, the Centre has introduced alternative safeguards:
Employment Reservations: 85% of government jobs reserved for locals under the Domicile Certificate Rules, 2025, alongside the existing 10% EWS quota.
Political Representation: One-third reservation for women in Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Councils (LAHDC) and approval for two Lok Sabha constituencies.
Cultural Protection: Official recognition of English, Hindi, Urdu, Bhoti, and Purgi, with institutional support for languages such as Shina, Brokskat, Balti, and Ladakhi.
Experiences from the northeast highlight several challenges:
Financial Dependence: ADCs often rely heavily on state funding, leading to budget gaps.
Political Interference: State and central governments sometimes limit council autonomy.
Capacity Gaps: Local governance structures may face resource and expertise constraints.
For Ladakh, security concerns add another layer of complexity. Proponents argue, however, that empowering locals could strengthen border security, as economically secure and politically respected communities are less likely to feel alienated.
Ladakh’s situation demands an innovative constitutional arrangement—one that blends the autonomy principles of the Sixth Schedule with the Union Territory’s unique security requirements.
A possible approach is to expand the powers of the LAHDC, giving it stronger legislative authority while creating oversight mechanisms to safeguard national interests. Most importantly, a sustainable resolution will require rebuilding trust through meaningful dialogue between Ladakh’s people and the Centre.
On 18 September 2025, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia signed a Strategic Defence Pact, under which both nations pledged to assist each other in the event of an attack by any enemy — including nuclear threats. The pact was announced with much fanfare: Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s aircraft was accorded a grand reception, comparable to the welcome extended to U.S. President Donald Trump just weeks earlier. Immediately after signing, PM Shehbaz Sharif and Army Chief General Asim Munir departed for the UNGA conference in the U.S., where they were scheduled to meet President Trump on the sidelines.
While the event is being projected as historic, I hold a contrarian view: this pact is more show than substance. In reality, it represents Washington’s strategy of keeping Pakistan firmly within its orbit, rather than granting it “strategic autonomy.” Free lunches in the White House are never truly free; they always demand repayment in kind. My observations are as follows:
In essence, this is a sell-out of Pakistan to the U.S., engineered by General Asim Munir. Whether the pact can be implemented effectively remains doubtful, given Saudi Arabia’s equally close ties with India — as seen when it conferred its highest national award on PM Modi. For now, this agreement appears less a strategic breakthrough and more a geopolitical manoeuvre serving American interests.
The Waqf Act, 1995 is a central law enacted in India to ensure the effective administration, management, and protection of Waqf properties—endowments of property created under Muslim law for religious or charitable purposes.
The Act provides for the establishment of Waqf Boards at both the state and central levels to supervise these properties, ensuring their proper use in line with their intended objectives, and to maintain transparency and legality in their management.
In 2025, the Act was amended through the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025, also referred to as the UMEED Act (Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency, and Development).
Trusts Excluded: Muslim trusts governed by other charity laws are treated as separate from Waqfs.
Inheritance Rights Protected: Women and children must receive their rightful inheritance before property is designated as Waqf.
Protection of Tribal Lands: Establishing Waqfs on tribal lands under the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution is prohibited.
Appeal Mechanism: High Courts are empowered to hear appeals against decisions of Waqf Tribunals.
Financial Reforms: Mandatory contributions payable to Waqf Boards reduced from 7% to 5%.
Income Audit: Waqf institutions with annual income above ₹1 lakh must undergo government-mandated audits.
A Waqf Board is a statutory body with legal authority to acquire, manage, and transfer property, and to sue or be sued. Its responsibilities include:
Managing and protecting Waqf properties.
Recovering encroached or lost assets.
Approving transfers (sale, lease, gift, mortgage, or exchange), subject to approval by at least two-thirds of board members.
At the national level, the Central Waqf Council (CWC), under the Ministry of Minority Affairs, provides oversight and advisory support to the State Waqf Boards.
Central Waqf Council (22 members) → maximum 4 non-Muslims.
State Waqf Boards (11 members) → maximum 3 non-Muslims.
Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1987): Students cannot be compelled to sing the National Anthem if it violates their religious beliefs, provided public order is not disrupted.
Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017): Instant triple talaq (talaq-e-biddat) was struck down as unconstitutional, violating equality (Article 14) and gender justice, and not being an essential religious practice under Article 25.
Dr. Mahesh Vijay Bedekar v. Maharashtra (2016): The use of loudspeakers was held not to be an essential religious practice and thus not a protected fundamental right under Articles 19(1)(a) or 25.
The Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 aims to modernize and reform Waqf administration, but it also raises valid concerns regarding autonomy and rights. The Supreme Court’s interim interventions reflect a careful balancing act—supporting reforms that enhance accountability, while striking down or staying provisions that infringe on constitutional safeguards.
Going forward, reforms must emphasize transparency, fairness, and accountability, while upholding the spirit of religious freedom and nurturing trust among communities.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Manipur — his first since the ethnic conflict erupted in May 2023 — carried weighty symbolism and a string of promises. By reaching out to both Churachandpur in the Kuki-Zo hills and Imphal in the Meitei-majority valley, the PM sent a clear message of unity: peace must be the foundation of progress.
Peace as a cornerstone: Modi termed violence an “injustice” to both ancestors and future generations, stressing reconciliation as vital for progress.
Support for displaced families: 7,000 new homes, a ₹3,000-crore package, and ₹500 crore for relief reflect direct central commitment.
Stronger local governance: Promised more funding and empowerment of local bodies, particularly addressing tribal concerns.
Infrastructure push: Highways, the Jiribam–Imphal rail link, and urban projects worth thousands of crores were positioned as unifiers across divided regions.
Women’s leadership: Celebrated the iconic Ima Keithel market and announced new initiatives to place women at the heart of growth.
Youth and sports: Recognised Manipur’s role as India’s talent hub in sports, defence, and resilience.
The underlying theme was unmistakable: peace, inclusion, and development must go hand in hand for Manipur to heal and reclaim its place in India’s growth story.
Since May 2023, Manipur has endured violence, displacement, and mistrust. Camps still shelter tens of thousands, roads remain tense, and social contact is thin. Real progress needs a time-bound, verifiable plan across five fronts:
Rehabilitation of displaced families – District-wise return plans, house repair grants, ID/document recovery, and livelihood restart programs.
Restoring movement and services – Secured road corridors, reopening of schools, mobile public offices at relief sites.
Dialogue and discipline – Parallel community talks and strict ground rules for armed actors. Special Courts and SITs to fast-track justice.
Fair governance – Oversight on rehabilitation, community observers, and transparent service guarantees.
Myanmar border management – Stronger security with fencing and patrols, but also humanitarian corridors and legal trade facilitation.
Women: Safety, lighting, hostels, and police helpdesks.
Children & youth: Bridge schooling, counselling, sports opportunities.
Traders & farmers: Working capital loans and fee waivers.
First 90 days: Secure key road corridors, start pilot returns from camps, set up single-window camp services.
6–9 months: Roll out house repair grants, two-table dialogue, and Special Court trials.
1–2 years: Establish reconciliation forums, border protocols, education catch-up, and skill revival programs.
Modi’s visit has reignited hope. But Manipur’s healing will depend not on promises, but on a dated, checkable roadmap that restores safety, dignity, and trust for every community.
சின்னதாய் தந்த இராசா இளையராஜா
இன்றோடு 50 ஆண்டுகள் நிறைவு பெறுகின்றது - தமிழ், தென்னிந்திய மற்றும் இந்திய திரை இசையில் இளையராஜா இசையமைக்க துவங்கி இன்றோடு 50 ஆண்டுகள், காலம் பறக்கின்றது - அவரது பாடல்களை கேட்கும் போது பறக்கும் மணித்துளிகள் போல்.
தாயின் உணர்வை சீராய் சொல்லும் பாடல். உணர்ச்சிகளை இசைக்கருவிகளால் பதம் பிரித்து நம் இதயத்தை பிழிந்தெடுக்கும் பாடல்.
சாருகேசியில் இயற்றப்பட்ட பாடல். ஆனாலும், க2 மற்றும் க3 இரண்டின் இடைச்செருகலுடன் கூடிய க ம கா ரி ச என்ற ஸ்வரங்கள் தொடர், ஒரு விவாதி ராகமான ராகவர்தினியின் சாயல்களைத் தருகிறது. வடிவமைப்பாலோ அல்லது தற்செயலாலோ, ராஜா இந்த அரிய விவாதி ராகத்தைத் தொடுகிறார்.
இதன் கதை மனதைப் பிழிகிறது. 14 வயது சிறுமி கர்ப்பமாகிறாள். செவிலியர், மருத்துவர், உதவிக்கரம் இல்லாமல், அவள் தாங்க முடியாத பிரசவ வலியை அமைதியாகத் தாங்குகிறாள். ஆனாலும், திருமணத்திற்கு வெளியே ஒரு குழந்தையைப் பெற்றெடுத்ததை அவளால் சமூகத்திற்கு வெளிப்படுத்த முடியவில்லை. ஒரு புறக்கணிக்கப்பட்டவள் என்று முத்திரை குத்தப்பட்ட அவள், தன் குழந்தையை கைவிடத் தேர்வு செய்கிறாள். குழந்தையை ஒரு சரக்கு ரயிலில் விட்டுவிட்டு நடக்க முயற்சிக்கிறாள். ஆனால் ரயில் நகரத் தொடங்கியதும், வருத்தம் அவளை மூழ்கடிக்கிறது. அவள் தன் குழந்தையை மீட்டெடுக்க ஓடுகிறாள் - மிகவும் தாமதமாக, ரயில் ஏற்கனவே புறப்பட்டுவிட்டது. எல்லாமே இயற்கைக்கு, நடைமுறைக்கு ஒவ்வாதவை. எனவே விவாதி இராகமோ?
பின்னர் பாடல் தொடங்குகிறது.
ரயிலின் ஹாரன் அலறுகிறது. அந்த பச்சையான அழுகையில் கலந்து இளையராஜாவின் ஆல்டோ புல்லாங்குழலின் வேட்டையாடும் இனிமை வெளிப்படுகிறது. அடுத்து, சாரங்கி உள்ளே நுழைகிறது - புதிதாகப் பிறந்த குழந்தையின் உடையக்கூடிய இருப்பை எதிரொலித்து - ஒவ்வொரு உணர்ச்சியையும் ஒரே முஷ்டியில் இறுகப் பற்றிக் கொள்கிறது. தாய் தண்டவாளத்தில் சரிந்து அழுகிறாள். ஒரு மென்மையான முனகல் உள்ளே வந்து, பாடலுக்கான வெள்ள வாயில்களைத் திறக்கிறது.
“சின்ன தாயி” என்றால் “இளம் தாய்” என்றும், “தந்த ராசாவே” - “இளம் தாயால் பரிசளிக்கப்பட்ட ராஜா” என்றும் பொருள். உண்மையில், இளையராஜாவின் தாயின் பெயர் சின்னதாயி. மேலும் வாலி, நுட்பமான நுணுக்கத்துடன், ராஜாவே இந்த சின்ன தாயி உலகிற்கு வழங்கிய தெய்வீக பரிசு என்பதை வெளிப்படுத்துகிறார்.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mHdkX_1hH9A
சரங்கி, தபலா, கடம், தில்ருபா ஆகிய ஒவ்வொரு இசைக்கருவியும் போட்டியிட்டு ஒன்றையொன்று பூர்த்தி செய்கின்றன, நம் இதயங்களில் நேரடியாக எழும் உணர்ச்சிகளை நெசவு செய்கின்றன.
கண்களை மூடி மனதை அணைத்துவிட்டு, கேளுங்கள். உங்கள் உடல் லேசாக உணரும் வரை, உங்கள் இதயம் கனமாக உணரும் வரை, உங்கள் நாக்கு வார்த்தைகளுக்குத் துடிக்கும் வரை ஒலி உங்கள் இதயத்தில் ஊறட்டும். இது இசை - வெறும் ஒலி அல்ல, ஆனால் மனித உணர்வுகளுடன் கூடிய மென்மையான நாடகம்.
“சின்ன தாயி தந்த ராசாவே... முள்ளில் தோன்றிய ரோசாவே...”
ராஜா, முட்களுக்கு நடுவே பூக்கும் ரோஜா, சின்னதாயின் நித்திய பரிசு - உங்கள் இசை பல கோடி ஆண்டுகள் என்றும் எங்கள் உள்ளத்தை அசைபோடும்.
India’s Goods and Services Tax (GST) has been one of the most ambitious tax reforms in the country’s history. Introduced in 2017, it replaced a patchwork of indirect taxes such as VAT, excise duty, and service tax with a single, unified system. Over the years, GST has undergone several rounds of revision to address industry concerns and improve efficiency.
The September 2025 GST Council meeting marked a significant milestone. The council restructured the slab system—moving from four slabs to a two-tier structure (5% and 18%) with a steep 40% demerit rate for sin and luxury goods. These changes, while intended to simplify the framework and promote economic integration, come with both clear advantages and notable challenges.
The shift from four slabs to just two (5% and 18%) reduces complexity, making it easier for businesses and consumers to understand and comply with tax rules. This is a step closer to the “one nation, one tax” vision.
GST has effectively removed the “tax on tax” effect by enabling full input tax credit set-offs. This reduces the overall tax burden and helps lower final prices for consumers.
Revisions that fix inverted duty structures are particularly helpful for manufacturers, lowering input costs and enhancing competitiveness. Small businesses also benefit from higher registration thresholds and composition schemes designed to reduce compliance pressures.
Many goods that previously attracted 12% or 28% GST—such as household essentials, medicines, and certain automobiles—are now taxed at 5% or 18%, making them more affordable and boosting consumer spending.
With GST processes being largely online, transparency has increased and opportunities for tax evasion have shrunk. This strengthens the tax base and boosts government revenue.
Key sectors enjoy targeted benefits. Farming equipment sees reduced rates (5%), smaller cars are taxed at 18%, while larger ones fall under the 40% bracket. Exemptions on essential medicines and reduced rates on items like auto parts and cement support both households and MSMEs.\
By lowering costs and increasing disposable income, the reform is expected to stimulate demand, accelerate GDP growth, and promote inclusive development.
Businesses must adapt pricing, inventory, and accounting systems to align with the new rates—an exercise that demands time and resources.
The digital-first tax system requires investment in accounting software and employee training. Smaller firms, in particular, find this an added financial and administrative burden.
While the overall trend may be deflationary, reclassification of certain goods has led to price hikes in some categories, potentially triggering sector-specific inflation.
Not all small businesses gain equally. Some SMEs may face higher tax liabilities than under the pre-GST regime if they are ineligible for simplified schemes.
A stricter compliance framework means non-compliance can lead to penalties. For smaller firms without dedicated tax teams, this is a persistent worry.
Items like high-end cars, tobacco, and alcohol now attract a steep 40% rate. While this aligns with government policy on discouraging such consumption, it dents sales in those sectors.
Certain industries, such as coal, have seen rate hikes. These sector-specific changes may have downstream effects on related industries and consumers.
The 2025 GST revision reflects India’s continued effort to streamline taxation, promote transparency, and strengthen economic integration. For consumers, it brings lower prices on essentials and more disposable income. For businesses, it offers simplicity and reduced litigation, but at the cost of transitional headaches and compliance pressures.
Like most big reforms, the success of this overhaul will depend on how smoothly the transition is managed. If policymakers remain responsive and industry adapts quickly, GST could well deliver on its promise of creating a simpler, fairer, and growth-friendly tax system for India.
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